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- By Summer Wright
- 14 Jul 2026
Rachel Reeves has approached the imminent spending review like a reluctant swimmer edging into icy water, striving to ease the unpleasantness through gradual immersion.
She started tackling the problem of insufficient funds towards the end of summer. To begin with, she would not to support earlier statements that increases in taxation in last year's budget would be the last ones.
Subsequently, in early November, she took a larger step into the freezing waves. Her address promised to "take required actions" to fund public services and control borrowing costs low.
After 10 days, the finance ministry had retracted the hint. The campaign pledge remained intact ultimately. As any freezing-water dipper knows, this halted dive and trembling retreat is the least effective of all approaches. No tactic prolongs the suffering like indecision.
It is challenging to be resolute when deciding between levels of self-inflicted damage.
Expectation has not been a great strategy for the administration. Fundamental of the Labour leader's election bid was the vain expectation of somehow meeting the public's demand for improved state services without undoing significant amounts of Conservative tax cuts.
At no point has either Starmer or Reeves successfully expressed a sense of collective goal to explain all this difficulty. Partly that is a challenge of leadership presence. Both leaders are remarkably comparable in their ineffective messaging, wooden and reticent in a way that repels audiences off instead of drawing them in.
In the same way that public demand to invest in public services has compelled the finance ministry to admit that revenue must go up, the financial necessity of boosting economic expansion makes it ever harder to overlook the price of disconnection from the continental trading bloc.
Ministers used a twelve months experimenting in the early stages of improved relations with the European Union: plans to end customs checks on farm products; a student movement initiative. Ambition went a more substantial on energy, armed forces partnership, but nothing of substance has so far been agreed.
In the absence clear direction and drive from No 10, discussions are bogged down. Brussels authorities says single-market privileges are accessed with payments to the EU budget. Government representatives understand that's the agreement. That doesn't cause them keen for a public row and campaigners howling treason over any cost ends up being paid.
Economic reality has provoked some change in Labour's rhetoric on the continental partnership. She has started identifying leaving Europe alongside the Covid pandemic as a factor of economic damage that the exchequer is toiling to repair. Cabinet members have done the same, although they carefully ascribe the responsibility to "unfavorable agreement" or "the exit process", never just "leaving".
The challenge of Britain's long-term partnership with the European Union can't be limited to administrative modifications and import controls when the entire international system is in constant change. In light of everything that has happened since 2016, it feels reasonable still to be raising the fundamental issue: were Britain's interests served by leaving the EU?
These represent cold, uncomfortable truths about the nation's situation in choppy world affairs. It is expected that Starmer and Reeves shy away from the challenge. It would take them way out of their depth, into forces that they cannot oppose. So instead they carry on nervously pacing the shore, hoping that possibly in the near future the situation will change.
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